South Africa’s internal politics

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The institution of the mandatory arms embargo against South Africa by the US in 1977, should be viewed in the light of concerted efforts in the United Nations for punitive measures to be taken against South Africa. Three interrelated events were especially responsible for these efforts and the subsequent institution of the arms embargo in 1977: the policy of apartheid of the South African Government and the internal unrest that it caused; the military build-up of the South African Government, in spite of the United Nations arms embargo instituted against it in 1963; and the question of independence for South West Africa (Namibia), where South Africa’s administration and military presence was regarded as illegal.

South Africa became a political unit in 191O. It was initially governed by the South African Party (SAP), then by the National Party (NP), and from the early 193Os by the United Party (UP). In the mid-194O’s, prior to the 1948 general elections, the re- constituted National Party (NP) campaigned for white supremacy, stricter segregation of races and separate development of races, or « aparSŁeid”. This meant that non-white South Africans would be stripped of all legal, political and economic rights. However, apartheid was not a totally new policy instigated in 1948 – race segregation in South Africa merely became even tighter. Political and property rights were withheld from black people even before South Africa became a Union in 191O. It was subsequently regulated in one of the most controversial laws ever passed in South Africa, namely the Natives Land Act of 1913. In terms of this law, the rights of black people living on private property owned by white people were severely restricted. It resulted in tens of thousands of black people being forced to leave these areas. In addition, black people in white areas had since the 18th century been forced to carry passes, which had to be shown on demand to any white person. It was regarded as a criminal offence for a black person to be in a ‘white’ area without a pass.

The NP succeeded in gaining an electoral victory in the 1948 elections, after an agreement with yet another party, the Afrikaner Party (AP), which firmly believed that the UP had put South Africa on a road that would eventually lead to destructive black rule. In the months and years after the elections, the NP implemented a wide range of measures and laws aimed at total race segregation. In brief, these measures and laws included:

Prohibition of relationships and marriages between white and non-white people;
A central population register by which all South Africans would be classified as white, colored or black;
Prohibition of black people on leaving jobs without the permission of their white employers;
Restriction on the movement of black people without a pass;
Institution of a system of labor bureaus to ensure that the labor needs of white farmers were met before large numbers of black people were released to work in the cities;
Separate education for black and white people;

The dividing of black people into ten ethnic nations, each with its own « homeland” and administrative apparatus. The idea was that each of these territories would gain independence at some future stage.

THE BUILD-UP OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN ARMS INDUSTRY

The South African Government became interested in domestic arms production after World War II. During the war, ammunition production plants were put in operation in South Africa to help arm the Allies. However, after the war, these plants were closed until 1948, when the new NP Government, after some investigation, reopened the plants. The reason was that they wanted to develop a stronger military establishment to make South Africa independent from the United Kingdom in security matters. Thereafter, arms production in South Africa stayed at a low level, until concern about domestic security started to intensify after the Defiance Campaign of 1952. This concern was heightened by the Sharpeville incident and the subsequent sabotage campaigns of the ANC, as well as pressure on South Africa to leave the Commonwealth due to the NP Government’s apartheid policy. In addition, the Sharpeville incident and the crackdown on resistance by the South African Government gave a significant boost to international action against apartheid, which culminated in the voluntary arms embargo imposed by the United Nations in 1963. This embargo led to two of South Africa’s biggest arms suppliers, i.e. Britain and the US, declaring that all provisions of arms and military equipment would cease after 1963.

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For the South African Government, it was essential to build up its military strength. This would not only enable the country to defy the United Nations over Southern African regional issues, e.g. the issue of independence for South West Africa (Namibia), but also to sell itself as a valuable ally of the West in the fight against communistic influence in the region, especially since both the ANC and PAC turned to communist countries and movements for assistance after being banned.

Even before the arms embargo was instituted, the South African Government stated in April 1963 that the Government had all the weaponry it needed to maintain internal order. In October 1963, the establishment of an institute for the development of a ground-to-air missile was announced, and rumors that colorless, odorless and tasteless poison gases were being developed, were reported in some newspapers. However, these reports could not be substantiated at the time. After the non-binding arms embargo was instituted in 1963, efforts to ensure large-scale domestic arms production were doubled. By 1964, the South African Government had already spent between 2- 3% of the Gross National Product (GNP) and 21% of the Government Budget on defense expenditures, in comparison with less than 1% of the GNP and less than 7% of the Government Budget before 196O. The small Permanent Force of the SADF was enlarged by 65%, while commando reserves, which were primarily responsible for the defense of farms and residential areas, were enlarged by 18%. In addition, in 1964 the Munitions Board was established, whose primary responsibility it was to promote local arms production through procurement, research, testing, maintenance and inspection.

CHAPTER 1: BACKGROUND, PROBLEM STATEMENT, AND LITERATURE REVIEW
1.1 Introduction
1.2 Background
1.3 Problem statement and chapter breakdown
Significance of the study
Scope of the study
Research methodology and literature review
CHAPTER 2: THE INSTITUTION OF A MANDATORY ARMS EMBARGO AGAINST SOUTH AFRICA
2.1 Introduction
2.2 Carter and South Africa: US policy reviewed
2.3 Tightening the screw on Vorster
2.4 The case of arms for South Africa
2.5 The South African Government’s defiance
2.6 The institution of a mandatory arms embargo against South Africa
2.7 Reaction to the embargo
2.8 Conclusion
CHAPTER 3: THE IMPLEMENTATION OF THE MANDATORY ARMS EMBARGO BY THE CARTER ADMINISTRATION, 1977 – 198O
3.1 Introduction
3.2 US-South African relations in the first few months after the institution of the mandatory arms embargo
3.3 US regulations dictating the implementation of the mandatory arms embargo
3.4 The influence of the arms embargo regulations on US-South African relations
3.5 Factors influencing the implementation of the arms embargo
3.6 On the eve of the 198O US presidential elections
3.7 Conclusion
CHAPTER 4: THE REAGAN ADMINISTRATION: CONSTRUCTIVE ENGAGEMENT AND THE ARMS EMBARGO, 1981-1984
4.1 Introduction
4.2 The Reagan Administration’s framing of a foreign policy
4.3 The South African response to constructive engagement
4.4 Relaxation of the arms embargo regulations
4.5 The reaction to the new arms embargo regulations
4.6 Alleged and actual violations of the arms embargo during the first term of the Reagan Administration
4.7 Conclusion
CHAPTER 5: THE IMPLEMENTATION OF THE ARMS EMBARGO DURING THE SECOND TERM OF THE REAGAN ADMINISTRATION, 1985 – 1988
5.1 Introduction: The Reagan Administration vs. the Anti-Apartheid movement
5.2 The expansion of the United Nations arms embargo
5.3 The South African sanctions debate
5.4 Alleged and actual violations of the arms embargo during the second term of the Reagan Administration
5.6 Conclusion
CHAPTER 6: BUSH, THE TURN OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN POLITICAL TIDE AND THE ARMS EMBARGO, 1989-1992
6.1 Introduction
6.2 Namibian independence and the arms embargo
6.3 The Berman Amendment of 1989
6.4 Political reform in South Africa: A goal long sought
6.5 Arms embargo violations or busting during the Bush Administration
6.6 Conclusion
CHAPTER 7: THE CLINTON ADMINISTRATION AND THE END OF THE UNITED STATES ARMS EMBARGO
7.1 Introduction
7.2 Missile development: South Africa succumbs to US pressure
7.3 De Klerk’s disclosure of the South African nuclear weapons program
7.4 Storm over South African efforts to buy aircraft
7.5 Efforts by Armscor to gain US military business
7.6 Events building up to the end of the US arms embargo
7.7 Conclusion
CHAPTER 8: SUMMARY AND FINAL CONCLUSION
Final Summary and conclusion on problem statement 1
Final Summary and conclusion on problem statement 2
Final Summary and conclusion on problem statement 3
Bibliography
Annexures
Abstract
Opsomming