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CHAPTER III THE SOCIAL LOCATION OF THE BANYAMULENGE COMMUNITY
Introduction
Contemporary researches, that give attention to the Banyamulenge like Weis (1958), Muzuri (1983), Kidogi (1985), Gatimbirizo (1988), Mbonyinkebe (1994), Dupont et al (1996), Mutambo (1997), Nzongola-Ntalaja (1999), McNulty (1999:53-82), Mamdani (1999:53-62), Ruhimbika (2001), Sarkin (2001), African Rights (2001), Koen (2002), Mangu (2002), ICG76 (2003), Hans (2004) just to name a few, have mainly referred to the community only from a political and historical perspectives77 in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and in the Great Lakes Region’s context.
Some of these researches and writings are somehow a reaction to political issues, which have not been given enough space and genuine attention. Ever since, the Banyamulenge issue has been orchestrated by tensions and struggles that became entirely part of their history. One of the reasons of their conflict is based on their national identity and exclusion in the ex-Zaire (DRC). Banyamulenge community came more on an international scene during the recent war of 1996, when the late President Kabila led a rebellion movement against the late President Mobutu‘s regime.
However, what is often forgotten is that Banyamulenge is a people with cultural heritage and values that need to set a background for any venture in or about their community. A second reality is that as any cultures that experience change does create a cultural gap that needs to be bridged. Young generations no longer have opportunity to learn about their own history, due to “half-baked” colonial or modern civilization and Christianization of the community. Thus,they are treated as grafted or translated people (see Young 2003:138-144) with no cultural values nor history, in their own land. The present generation seems to have lost touch with their cultural roots. Many young people do not have enough information on their cultural traditions. Although, no one would like to go backward, there is a need of being informed of what is one’s past. Therefore, revisiting the old culture is not a matter of leisure but a matter of preserving history, which constitutes the human identity and dignity. Since most of cultural practices and information are still an oral tradition, interactions with Banyamulenge elders and old women from 1999-2004 had been done at length.
The aim of this chapter is to look at the context in which the Banyamulenge people emerge. This takes on board a general overview of their cultural, religious and political realities. The task of Patrice Lumumba in defining the Congolese national identity (Dunn 2003) within the context of colonial paternalism and tribal groupings is also highlighted.
Historical setting
Banyamulenge origins
Banyamulenge people are mainly Congolese Tutsis whose origin can be traced back in pre-colonial Rwanda and Burundi. For many years, they were identified as Banyarwanda or Tutsi of Congo. This however, took a sharp turn due to political and social realities in early 70’s and the name Banyarwanda was changed to Banyamulenge as the sole identity for them. The name (Banyamulenge), according to Kidogi (1985:7), has a long history, which dates back to 16th century during the first Rwandan migrations and was used by those who remained in Rwanda to identify those who left for this part of the region, which was now called Congo by colonialist. “L’ethnonyme Munyamulenge n’est pas une appellation récente comme certains l’osent croire. Elle date de longtemps. Elle a été donnée pendant la première migration du 16ème siècle par ceux là qui étaient restés sur place au Rwanda pré-colonial.”78
The name Banyamulenge comes from the word akarenge and uturenge (in its plural form), which means small mountain(s) between forests. In Kinyarwanda, Umurenge means a village (Mutambo 1997:17). People living on those small mountains (collines) in the form of hamlets were called bene-turenge or abanya-turenge (owners of uturenge). These villages constituted an area or a location called imurenge. Those living in that location were called abanyamurenge.79 Another historical fact is that the establishment of Banyamulenge in Lemera plateaus, coincided with the name of the one of the locations called Mulenge, which eventually would become “un centre célèbre d’organisation de ce groupe” (Gatimbirizo 1988:17; Kidogi 1985:9).80
According to some historical speculations,81 Banyamulenge migrated to the plain of Ruzizi and its environs between the 17th and early 19th centuries (Weis 1958:16). For other authors, the migration period of Banyarwanda to Ruzizi valley varies from 16th to 19th centuries (Kidogi 1985:9; Dupont et al 1996:9). For the Rwandan historian Kagame (1972), quoted by Mutambo, this migration was around 1576 and 1609 (Mutambo 1997:21). Hertefelt (1966:17) puts the migration of “lignages tuutsi du Rwanda” (Tutsi lineage of Rwanda – [Banyamulenge]) in 19th century.
Depelchin (1974:50-70; cf Mutambo 1997:18-23) explains that there are some reasons linked to these different migrations: search of green pastures for their livestock; kingdom conflicts during the reign of Ruganzu II Ndoli between 1510-1543 and famine under the reign of Yuhi IV Gahindiro around 1746-1802. It must be understood that those periods are just speculations. To put it in short, all migrations were before the arrival (in the region) of western exploration (1857-1858) and well before the partition of African continent in 1885 (Maquet 1955:3).
A sin that many politicians and historians commit with regard to the Banyamulenge is the image of foreignness they paint of the community, as if they were comers and settlers in a supposed politically and geographically defined country. Secondly, it is as if only the Banyamulenge migrated, despite African historical migration movements having taken place from one corner of the continent to the other. Vansina (1966:105-114, 201-221; cf Gatimbirizo 1988:12-15), gives a simplified ethnography account on migration and formation of different groups in Eastern Congo, in which he situates migration activities of most people – such as Barega, Bashi, Bafuliru, Babembe, Banyindu, Bavira, Banyanga, Bahunde, Banande, Bahema, etc – between 16th and 19th centuries. It becomes clear that settlement of the Banyamulenge in the Eastern Congo is neither a cultural nor a political conquest, but is the result of a normal migration process, like that of any other tribe in the area or in Africa for that matter.
Based on the above few scientific data available, it is wrong to discriminate one group of people that shares the same migration procedures with the rest of other communities. To use political and constitutional mechanisms to exclude one community on the ground of racial or ethnic differences is jeopardy of justice. It exposes the victimizer’s sense of lack stewardship and accountability towards his/her neighbor.
Geographical setting
Banyamulenge people live in South Kivu Province, eastern DRC. Among other tribes that inhabit the province are Babembe, Bafuliru, Banyindu, Bavira, Barega, Batembo, Bahavu, Bashi, Babuyu, Banyindu, Barundi, and the Babwari. The Banyamulenge live mainly in the Minembwe, Fizi and Uvira Territories in the southwest of the Province. The Kakamba locality in the Ruzizi Plain (Muzuri 1983, Kidogi 1985: 9; Gatimbirizo 1988:16), became the first settlement of the Banyamulenge, and from there, they dispersed to many other places particularly towards the high mountains northwest of the Ruzizi Plain. The high altitude of about 3.000 feet above sea level (Gatimbirizo 1988:10) was conducive to their health and that of their livestock. They eventually populated the area from Rurambo to Milimba locations, which form of local administrative entity of Minembwe Territory.
Cultural heritage
Definition
From an anthropological point of view, culture and religion are two distinct terms which, however, complement each other in giving meaning to a given society. From an African experience, there is no culture without religion and there is no religion without a culture. “Historically, religion is one of the institutions every society has perpetuated in an attempt to work out the meaning of existence” (Henderson 1989:50). According to Mbiti (1990:1), Africans “are notoriously religious, and each people has its own religious system with a set of beliefs and practices.” Malina (1993:9) defines culture as “an organized system of symbols by which persons, things, and events are endowed with rather specific and socially shared meanings and values.” It is made up of those shared attitudes and values in any given society.
In addition, culture “is a design for life. It is a plan according to which society adapts itself to its physical, social and idealizational environment” (Luzbetak 1963:60-61). Thus, culture encompasses all ways required for survival of a community. Religion is a difficult term to define, especially from an African perspective. Mbiti (1990:1) says “religion can be discerned in terms of beliefs, ceremonies, rituals.…” He continues to argue that religion “is the strongest element in traditional background, and exerts probably the strongest influence upon the thinking and living of the people concerned”. Religion can also be defined as beliefs in spiritual and supernatural beings.
Culture (umuco)
Habitation, economy and taboos
The Banyamulenge lived in hamlets in areas that are suited to their livestock. Until the late 70’s, they were semi-nomads whereby their movement depended on the health of the families and their livestock. Death and poverty were linked to a specific place (ikibanza), and every responsible head of a family had to provide protection for the family and for its possessions by changing the place of habitation. Hamlets were generally built according to clans and family affiliation.
Dedication
Declaration
Acknowledgement
Summary
Keywords
Abbreviations
CHAPTER I. GENERAL INTRODUCTION
1.1 Research gap and problem statement
1.2 Relevance of the study
1.3 Methodology
1.4 Reading Matthew from a postcolonial perspective
1.5 Hypotheses
1.6 Aims of the study
1.7 The plan of the study
CHAPTER II. POSTCOLONIALISM: FROM THEORY TO MODELAND METHOD
2.1 Introduction
2.2 Definition of terms and their relatedness
2.3 Development of postcolonial theory
2.4 A tricontinental approach
2.5 A psychoanalytic approach and liberation struggles
2.6 Postcolonial theory and biblical reading
CHAPTER III. THE SOCIAL LOCATION OF THE BANYAMULENGE COMMUNITY
3.1 Introduction
3.2 Historical setting
3.3 Cultural heritage
3.4 Marriage
3.5 Religion
3.6 Political identity
3.7 The Banyamulenge national identity
3.8 The community at a crossroad
3.9 Summary
CHAPTER IV. THE SOCIAL LOCATION OF THE MATTHEAN COMMUNITY
4.1 Introduction
4.2 Life in Palestine under Roman empire
4.3 The Matthean community and resistance to imperial rule
4.4 The “Temple” community in postwar context
4.5 Summary
CHAPTER V. JUSTICE AND RIGHTEOUSNESS IN MATTHEW 5-7 AND ITS RELEVANCE TO THE BANYAMULENGE COMMUNITY
5.1 Introduction
5.2 An overview of the Sermon on the Mount
5.3 The Beatitudes (Mt 5:1-12)
5.4 Blessed are the persecuted because of righteousness (Mt 5:10-12)
5.5 Summary
5.6 The Canaanite mother and identity crisis
5.7 Summary
5.8 Banyamulenge community and Matthean justice and righteousness
CHAPTER VI. CONCLUSION
6.1 Introduction
6.2 Summary of objectives of study
6.3 Findings of study
6.4 Concluding remarks
APPENDIX (I) AND (II)
BIBLIOGRAPHY
ABSTRACT
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