EMOTIONAL INTELLIGENCE 

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CHAPTER 2 THE CONSTRUCT OF INTELLIGENCE

INTRODUCTION

The purpose of this chapter is to review the literature as it pertains to the construct of intelligence. The extant literature in this area is considerable, and the contents of this chapter will be restricted to an overview of those theories which may have a bearing on the questions being investigated. This is necessary for the current research in order that a foundation for the construct of emotional intelligence as a possible psychological resource can be established. The chapter will address so-called implicit theories of intelligence and then move to a discussion of the major explicit theories – those that rely on evidence obtained by analyzing human performance. The behavioural dimensions of intelligence most pertinent for this research will be presented. The chapter concludes with a summary. The scientific study of intelligence – its definition, relationship to other constructs and real world outcomes, development over the lifespan, and, more recently, its various manifestations – has been ongoing for slightly over a century (Matthews, Zeidner, & Roberts,2002; Muchinsky, 2006). A variety of theories have been proposed and investigated, and the lack of consensus among researchers regarding the fundamental qualities of intelligence speaks to its very complex nature. Davidson (1990), in describing the attributes of a good theory of intelligence, suggests that it should be “(a) descriptive and explanatory; (b) broadly applicable across individuals, both within and between cultures; (c) broadly applicable over time and across situations; (d) parsimonious; (e) internally consistent and internally coherent; (f) falsifiable; (g) predictive; (h) understandable and communicable; (i) of heuristic value, in that it generates new research and new ideas on intelligence; and (j) of an appropriate grain size, without parts that are too broad or two narrow” (pp.339-340). (See also Davidson & Downing, 2000; Hempel, 1966). This is a tall order for any theory, but should be the goal driving further research in the field. In addition to explicit theories of intelligence which are generally based on psychometric data of people performing tasks thought to measure cognitive abilities, Sternberg (1990) also distinguishes implicit theories – those which are held beliefs by lay individuals about what intelligence is and how it is displayed. The next sections review the brief literature regarding implicit theories followed by more in-depth examination of the major explicit theories of intelligence.

IMPLICIT THEORIES OF INTELLIGENCE

The concept of intelligence appears to be ubiquitous in that, in every socio-cultural setting studied so far, there are characteristics that are considered to distinguish one who is intelligent from one who is not (Ceci, Ramey & Ramey, 1990; Edgerton, 1981). While Fitzgerald and Mellor (1988) suggest that implicit theories are much simpler than more formal theories, and may not provide meaningful distinctions in intelligent behaviour, they are nevertheless important. Lay conceptions of intelligence tend to be broader than those proposed by psychologists, perhaps because they encompass more aspects of real-world situations rather than just academic ones (Sternberg, 2003). Implicit conceptions are often the starting points that give rise to testable hypotheses which, in turn, confirm or refute commonly held beliefs – beliefs which are by no means static and change over time (Shipstone & Burt, 1973). In addition, while there are commonalities across cultures, different cultures may emphasize some aspects over others so that what is deemed intelligent in one part of the world is not necessarily so in another part. This not only has implications for teaching, learning and assessment practices within a society, but also influences the presuppositions with which researchers approach the study of intelligence in different settings. There tends to be, for example, a typically “Western” conceptualization as opposed to a more “Eastern” perspective (Gill & Keats, 1980; Sternberg, 2000), but even within each area there are differences.
One common-sense method for determining the characteristics of intelligence is to ask a variety of lay individuals regarding their held beliefs about what intelligence is and its manifestations. This has been carried out in a number of investigations, a sampling of which is presented below. In a series of three sets of studies over a number of years, Sternberg and his colleagues investigated conceptions of intelligence as expressed by American – i.e, U.S. – adults (Berg& Sternberg, 1985; Sternberg, 1985b; Sternberg, Conway, Ketron, & Bernstein, 1981). Three factors emerged. The first, practical problem solving, involved the ability to reason logically, identify relationships between ideas, and perceive problems from various perspectives. The second factor was that of verbal ability involving competencies in speaking articulately and fluently. The third factor included social competencies such as accepting others for what they are, admitting to mistakes when necessary, and displaying curiosity about the world. It must be noted, however, that even within a Western context there are differences in conceptualization depending on which ethnic group is questioned (Okagaki & Sternberg, 1993). In a non-Western context, Yang and Sternberg (1997) found perceptions that encompassed not only cognitive abilities similar to Western conceptions, but also interpersonal and intrapersonal abilities in a sample of Taiwanese adults. In a study examining Singaporean mothers’ perceptions of their school-aged children’s intelligence, Nevo and Khader (1995) found four factors to emerge across three ethnically diverse samples: academic performance, appropriate behaviour, socially active behaviour, and unintelligent behaviour. Of these, the appropriate behaviour factor was unique in that it had not previously been seen in other research. The authors suggest that this view of intelligence is characteristic of the codes of behaviour valued in a Singaporean culture.
A number of studies have been carried out in an African context. Ruzgis and Grigorenko (1994) have proposed that among many African subgroups the maintenance of interpersonal and intergroup stability and harmony are important indicators of intelligent behaviour. In a later study, Grigorenko et al. (2001) examined the conceptualization of intelligence by adults in a rural Kenyan village. Four aspects emerged which could be further grouped into two factors: social-emotional competence, and cognitive competence. The social-emotional competence factor appeared to emphasize interpersonal relationships, and the ability to understand what is appropriate or inappropriate in a given situation. The cognitive competence factor, on the other hand, appeared to be more in line with Westernized notions of “smartness”, characterized by the thinking processes required to identify and solve a problem, and abilities in more specialized knowledge domains such as academics.

CHAPTER 1 SCIENTIFIC OVERVIEW OF THE RESEARCH 
1.1 BACKGROUND AND MOTIVATION FOR THE RESEARCH 
1.2 PROBLEM STATEMENT 
1.3 AIMS OF THE RESEARCH
1.3.1 General aim
1.3.2 Specific aims
1.4 PARADIGM PERSPECTIVE 
1.4.1 The disciplinary relationship
1.4.2 The dimensional paradigm
1.4.3 The cognitive paradigm
1.4.4 The positive psychology paradigm
1.4.5 The functionalist paradigm
1.5 RESEARCH DESIGN 
1.6 RESEARCH METHOD 
1.7 CHAPTER DIVISION 
1.8 CHAPTER SUMMARY
CHAPTER 2 THE CONSTRUCT OF INTELLIGENCE
2.1 INTRODUCTION 
2.2 IMPLICIT THEORIES OF INTELLIGENCE 
2.3 EXPLICIT THEORIES OF INTELLIGENCE 
2.3.1 Psychometric theories of intelligence
2.3.2 Complex systems theories of intelligence
2.3.2.1 Gardner’s multiple intelligences theory
2.3.2.2 Sternberg’s triarchic theory of intelligence
2.3.3 Biological (neuro-physiological) theories of intelligence
2.3.4 Summary of theoretical approaches to intelligence
2.4 BEHAVIOURAL DIMENSIONS OF INTELLIGENCE 
2.5 CHAPTER SUMMARY 
CHAPTER 3 EMOTIONAL INTELLIGENCE 
3.1 INTRODUCTION 
3.2 CONCEPTUALIZING EMOTION 
3.2.1 Interaction of emotion and cognition
3.2.2 Emotional skills and abilities
3.3 CONCEPTUALIZING EMOTIONAL INTELLIGENCE (EI) 
3.3.1 Approaches to conceptualizing EI
3.3.1.1 Mixed-model approaches: Goleman, Bar-On,
and trait models
3.3.1.2 Ability model
3.3.1.3 Behavioural dimensions
3.3.2 Approaches to assessing EI
3.3.2.1 Self-report measurement techniques
3.3.2.2 Performance (objective) measurement techniques
3.4 RELATIONSHIP OF ABILITY EI WITH OTHER CONSTRUCTS
3.4.1 EI and everyday behaviour
3.4.2 EI and education
3.4.3 EI as a personal resource in stress and coping
3.4.4 EI and the workplace
3.5 CHAPTER SUMMARY
CHAPTER 4 NEGATIVE CAREER THOUGHTS 
4.1 INTRODUCTION 
4.2 DYSFUNCTIONAL THINKING 
4.3 CONCEPTUALIZATION OF NEGATIVE CAREER THINKING 
4.3.1 The Cognitive Information Processing model
4.3.2 Dimensions of negative career thoughts
4.4 RESEARCH REGARDING NEGATIVE CAREER THOUGHTS 
4.4.1 Negative career thoughts in vulnerable populations
4.4.2 Negative career thoughts change as a result of intervention
4.4.3 Negative career thoughts related to other constructs
4.4.3.1 Negative career thoughts and attachment style
4.4.3.2 Negative career thoughts and Sense of Coherence
4.4.3.3 Negative career thoughts and Psychological
Well Being
4.4.4 Change in negative career thoughts across the life span
4.5 CHAPTER SUMMARY 
CHAPTER 5 INTEGRATION OF THE LITERATURE 
5.1 INTRODUCTION 
5.2 CONTEXTUALIZATION 
5.2.1 Context within Industrial/Organisational Psychology
5.2.2 Context of the current research
5.3 RESEARCH PAIRING VARIABLES 
5.4 CONCEPTUALIZATION OF RESEARCH VARIABLES 
5.5 DIMENSIONS AND BEHAVIOURAL DYNAMICS 
5.6 RESTATEMENT OF THE EMPIRICAL RESEARCH QUESTIONS
5.7 CHAPTER SUMMARY
CHAPTER 6 THE EMPIRICAL STUDY
6.1 INTRODUCTION 
6.2 POPULATION AND SAMPLE
6.2.1 Population
6.2.2 Sampling technique
6.2.3 Sample characteristics
6.2.4 Program description
6.3 MEASURING INSTRUMENTS 
6.4 DATA COLLECTION 
6.5 HYPOTHESES 
6.6 DATA PROCESSING 
6.7 CHAPTER SUMMARY 
CHAPTER 7 RESULTS 
7.1 INTRODUCTION 
7.2 ASSUMPTIONS 
7.3 DESCRIPTIVE STATISTICS 
7.3.1 Wonderlic Personnel Test (WPT)
7.3.2 Mayer-Salovey-Caruso Emotional Intelligence Test V2 (MSCEIT)
7.3.3 Career Thoughts Inventory (CTI)
7.3.4 Biographical variables
7.4 RELIABILITY OF THE MEASURING INSTRUMENTS 
7.5 CORRELATIONS
7.5.1 Correlations within constructs
7.5.1.1 Mayer-Salovey-Caruso Emotional Intelligence Test
7.5.1.2 Career Thoughts Inventory
7.5.2 Correlations with biographical variables
7.5.3 Correlations between constructs
7.5.3.1 IQ and EI
7.5.3.2 IQ and CTI pre-program, post-program and change
7.5.3.3 EI and CTI pre-program
7.5.3.4 EI and CTI post-program
7.5.3.5 EI and CTI change
7.6 PREDICTIVE VALUE OF CONSTRUCTS 
7.6.1 Predicting CTI pre-test scores from IQ and EI
7.6.2 Predicting CTI post-test scores from IQ and EI
7.6.3 Predicting CTI change scores from IQ and EI
7.7 CHAPTER SUMMARY 
CHAPTER 8 CONCLUSIONS, LIMITATIONS, AND
RECOMMENDATIONS 
8.1 INTRODUCTION 
8.2 CONCLUSIONS 
8.2.1 Cognitive ability
8.2.2 Emotional intelligence
8.2.3 Negative career thoughts
8.2.4 Integration of cognitive ability, emotional intelligence, and
negative career thoughts
8.2.4.1 Cognitive ability and emotional intelligence
8.2.4.2 Cognitive ability and negative career thoughts
8.2.4.3 Emotional intelligence and negative career thoughts
8.2.4.4 Predicting negative career thoughts
8.3 LIMITATIONS
8.3.1 Other variables
8.3.2 Research sample
8.3.3 Data gathering
8.3.4 Instrumentation
8.4 RECOMMENDATIONS
8.4.1 Recommendations for practitioners
8.4.2 Recommendations for further research
8.5 SUMMARY OF VALUE OF THE STUDY 
8.6 CHAPTER SUMMARY
REFERENCES

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THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN COGNITIVE ABILITY, EMOTIONAL INTELLIGENCE AND NEGATIVE CAREER THOUGHTS: A STUDY OF CAREER-EXPLORING ADULTS