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Chapter 2 The faces of religious discourses (Mapping the problem)
The chapter shows its face
The chapter reveals its aims
This chapter is explorative and descriptive. Its aims are as follows:
The first aim is to describe the faces of religious discourses as they have been shared with the counsellor by the counselees in their problem-saturated stories.
Reflecting on the counselling process, the following two presuppositions are made:
Religious discourses as problem discourses constitute themselves in binary oppositions, such as good versus evil, western versus traditional, Christian versus demonic, powerful versus powerless. In this chapter, then, harmful religious discourses will be described in terms of the binaries through which their harmfulness is constituted.
Religious discourses reveal themselves in four forms, that is as power discourses, body discourses, identity discourses, and otherness discourses (to be explained in 2.1.2).
The second aim of this chapter is to describe the healing process undertaken by counsellor and patient in exploring the dialogical spaces between the binaries which uphold the harmful discourse.
The third aim is to describe the faces of harmful religious discourses in terms of the patient’s ability to resist them. This leads to a description of the deconstructed faces of religious discourses. The healing faces of religious discourses will be described as unique outcomes to the patient’s sacred story which have been respectfully negotiated between counsellor and patient.
The faces of religious discourses cluster themselves around four types
Reflecting on the journeys undertaken with the research population of 270 patients, this researcher classifies religious discourses in four types:
Religious discourses as power discourses feed on the binary oppositions between divine and human power, and between divinely instituted hierarchical power (such as male power) and social powerlessness. This chapter describes the faces of power discourses, as well as the exploration of dialogical spaces between the power of the discourse and the experience of powerlessness by the patient. From the research population of 270, a number of 117 (roughly 45%) have told religious stories of helplessness vis-a-vis power discourses. Power discourses, then, seem to be the religious discourses which have the largest harmful effect on the health of patients.
Religious discourses as body discourses are constituted by the binary opposition between the body as controlled by societal, traditional and divine law versus the body as self-controlled, between the body as the victim of abuse versus the body as self-contained, and between the body as the victim of sexual urges versus the body as sexually self-expressed. This chapter describes the faces of body discourses which keep patients from taking control over their bodies. From the research population of 270, a number of 52 (roughly 20%) have told religious stories of helplessness vis-a-vis body discourses.
Religious discourses as identity discourses try to find a place for spiritual identity between the patient’s cultural, sexual, economic, gender and other identities. When religious identities insist on overshadowing all other identities, this may lead to mental stress and disfunctionality within the patient. From the research population of 270, a number of 40 (roughly 15%) have told religious stories of helplessness vis-a-vis identity discourses.
Religious discourses as otherness discourses emphasise the transcendental nature of religion. This chapter describes the faces of otherness discourses as discourses on miraculous healing and discourses on the afterlife. From the research population of 270, a number of 79 (roughly 30%) have told religious stories of helplessness vis-a-vis otherness discourses.216
Power discourses show their faces
Discourse as Social Control versus Discourse as Preferred Way of Being
Before venturing into the description of religious discourses as controlling discourses, the concept “discourse as control” itself needs to be deconstructed. This needs to be done since patients, most of the time, do not experience religious discourses as mechanisms of social control. Furthermore, their preferred way of being is to find acceptance within the moral discourses of their church.
The deconstruction of “discourse as control”, then, lies in exploring the dialogical spaces between
on the one hand, raising awareness with the patient that religion in some cases does act harmfully as social control, and on the other hand, reminding the counsellor that therapy is not a simple act of replacing controlling discourses with preferred ways of being, especially when the patient’s context does not allow for the individual’s preferrence.
A few examples of this will suffice:
A well-known controlling religious discourse is “Divorce is against the will of God.” However, the patient’s preferred way of being is to get divorced. In counselling the patient may arive at the following deconstructed discourse:
Since divorce is not an option for me in my church, I must look for other ways of safety in my house to protect myself against domestic violence.
Another controlling religious discourse is “If you have sinned, knowing that it is a sin, you will not get a second chance.” However, the patient’s preferred way of being is to remain within the faith community. During counselling the patient, then, may arrive at the following deconstructed discourse:
I need a second chance, and I am going to find it in my faith community.
One of the most well-known religious discourses is “God has made a man to rule over woman”. However, the patient’s preferred way of being is to live in equal partnership with her man. A deconstructed discourse may then sound as follows:
I want my boyfriend to feel like a man, but as a woman I need him to recognise our relationship publicly and treat me with respect.
A patient may report that she understands the Qur’an to say “It is evil for a woman to fight back”. However, the patient needs to voice her resistance against verbal, physical and spiritual abuse in the domestic sphere. Her rescoped discourse may sound as follows:
I know the Qur’an says fighting with your husband is bad; maybe I can find somebody to share this struggle alongside me in a way that will be effective ánd moral.
Journeying with stories (2/16)
Mosa prefers acceptance by family and culture
Mosa (23) was referred for counselling when she was 34 weeks pregnant. It was, of course, too late to even consider abortion, but Mosa was considering adoption. Her reasons for this were (1) she already had another child of five who was displaying aggressive behaviour because of the coming baby; (2) she was unemployed and struggling to support her child, living with her mother; and (3) she has not bonded with the baby who was about to be born. Mosa emphasised that she was a responsible person who was able to make good decisions about her life. The externalised, problematic discourse was the voice of her mother who was resisting the adoption on cultural grounds. Her mother claimed that the black culture did not allow adoption. How were they to explain to the family that Mosa was very pregnant one day, and that the next day there was no baby? Her mother also said that the ancestors would punish Mosa if the baby was taken out of the family. Mosa pointed out that her mother, who was a staunch Christian, in this matter did not refer to the Lord at all, but only mentioned the familial ancestors.
When Mosa left after the session, she asked for papers to arrange for the adoption. Mosa was going to tell her mother to respect her decision.
Mosa returned for counselling once more. She explained that she was financially dependent on her mother, and in a twist of irony would have to keep the baby, even when the baby meant more financial strain, because the cultural tradition was to be honoured.
Mosa then requested the counsellor to move towards her accepting the child. She also wanted to be empowered to use effective contraceptives in future. This, then, was done in subsequent sessions.
Mosa’s story points to the sensitivity in exploring the dialogical spaces between the controlling discourse, which is situated in additional cultural and economical discourses, and the patient’s preferred way of being, which she was unable to exercise within her context. Her only way of undermining the power discourse was to move towards accepting the child, and to engage in contraception to avert similar situations.
CHAPTER 1: THE JOURNEY AHEAD
1.1 Journeying towards … (The aims of this study)
1.2 Journeying from … (The research questions initiating this study)
1.3 Journeying with an eye towards… (Contexts considered to be of therapeutic significance in this study)
1.4 Journeying with people as co-authors (The research populations)
1.5 Journeying with books as co-constructions of knowledge (Literary overview)
1.6 Journeying into the new (My own contribution)
1.7 Journeying by means of … (“Primary sources”)
1.8 Journeying and dreaming … (Hypothesis)
1.9 Journeying chapterwise
CHAPTER 2: THE FACES OF RELIGIOUS DISCOURSES (MAPPING THE PROBLEM)
2.1 The chapter shows its face
2.2 Power discourses show their faces
2.3 Body discourses show their faces
2.4 Identity discourses show their faces
2.5 Otherness discourses show their faces
2.6 Summary
CHAPTER 3: THE EFFECTS OF RELIGIOUS DISCOURSES (EXTERNALISING THE PROBLEM)
3.1 The chapter shows its face
3.2 Published voices on Externalisation are invited into this chapter
3.3 When religious discourses are externalised
3.4 Summary of findings
CHAPTER 4: THE DECONSTRUCTION OF RELIGIOUS DISCOURSES AND THE CO-CONSTRUCTION OF ALTERNATIVE STORIES OF FAITH (EMPOWERING THE PATIENT AGAINST THE PROBLEM)
4.1 The chapter shows its face
4.2 Deconstructing and co-constructing spiritual healing
4.3 Religious discourses are deconstructed
4.4 Summary of findings
CHAPTER 5: THICKENING THE ALTERNATIVE STORY OF FAITH
5.1 The chapter shows its face
5.2 Alternative stories of faith are thickened
5.3 Summary of findings on thickening the alternative story of faith
COUNSELLING
Bibliography
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