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CHAPTER FOUR : THE SOCIAL CONTEXT OF THE UNDISPUTED LETTERS OF PAUL

Introduction

Martha Nussbaum and David Konstan have convincingly argued that the emotions are the outcome of social and cultural values. The research problem addressed in this study is shaped by their scholarship. This chapter, as one of the steps in proving the research problem, focuses on the cultural environment of the Roman provincial towns, as indicated by Paul’s correspondence to his communities living there. He was the founder of these communities, but he was not the founder of the Roman communities.
A brief historical overview is presented in this chapter with emphasis on the prevailing social conditions, to establish whether the values arising out of the prevailing social conditions are inherent in the emotions of fear and anger. The findings in this chapter are needed to support the hypothesis, stated in Chapter One, that emotions are culturally modified, or, as stated above by Nussbaum and Konstan, emotions are the outcome of social and cultural values.206,207
The presentation of the Roman provincial towns has been given in the same order as the extant undisputed Pauline letters. These letters are arranged chronologically (as far as possible). The seven undisputed letters of Paul but only six are referred to in this research 208. These letters are considered in the following order: 1 Thessalonians, 1 and 2 Corinthians, Philippians, Galatians and Romans.209 This arrangement differs from the Canonical order, in which Romans, as the longest letter is placed first.
The letters are analysed in Chapters 6 and 7 in the above order, but in this chapter the context is the relevant Roman provincial town.

Thessalonica

We do not have a record of Paul’s first meeting with the Thessalonians in 50 CE, other than what is gleaned from the letter. No proof exists that Paul wrote letters to other communities before writing to the Thessalonians.210 As the existing letters point to a method he used to maintain a connection with his assemblies, it would appear probable that there were earlier letters.211 The fact that the community had formed is evidence of Paul’s ability to discern the cultural codes that resonated with the people who were attracted to his message. Macedonia exemplifies Paul’s choice of cities in which to form his communities, as the use of the Greek language in these cities was an assured means of communication.212
Thessalonica was the prosperous seaport, situated in a small bay, which was also accessible by land, because of the Via Egnatia built by a Roman proconsul, Gnaeus Egnatius, between 146 BCE–120 BCE.213 As the sea was un-navigable for six months of the year, an alternative form of moving legions to strategic areas was essential.214 Rome’s military strategy also benefitted the general movement of people to the provincial capital. In all probability Paul would have travelled along this road. The presence of the Roman military restricted the threat of armed robbers on land and pirates on sea, therefore facilitating the movement of people.
Although a prosperous seaport, in 1 Thess 2:9 Paul describes his endless labour in order to be self-sufficient and not be a burden on the community. In 2 Cor 8:2-4 Paul tells the Corinthians of the extreme poverty of the Macedonian community. These descriptions imply that Paul’s community did not participate in the economic growth of the city.
Thessalonica retained its Greek character with a , a citizens’ assembly for its internal affairs.215 There was no Roman garrison present within its walls; also they had the right to mint coins.216 For over two hundred years the community had been loyal to Rome.217 Thessalonica sided with Antony and Octavian during the civil war and for their loyalty were awarded a degree of independence as described above.218
Archaeological evidence shows the presence of well-established religious institutions, including the mystery religions which were also present in other cities in the Greco-Roman world.219 In Thessalonica there is evidence of shrines in honour of Aphrodite, Demeter, Zeus, Asclepius and other traditional Greek deities.220 Participation in these ceremonies offered various forms of psychological and physical benefits. 221
In 1 Thess 1:9 Paul describes the community as those who have ‘turned to God from idols’, and therefore they could no longer look to these deities to support their psychological needs, or, indeed, their sexual needs.222 Donfried connects Dionysian sexuality to the situation Paul addresses in 1 Thess 4:3-8 and the severe warning from Paul as to the unsuitability of this form of conduct in his community.223 This interpretation is not fully supported, because 4:1 indicates observance of the tenets for the community in respect of fidelity in marriage and sexual self-control. Donfried interprets Paul’s reference in 1 Thess 5:7 to drunkenness as a reference to ‘Dionysian frenzies’.224 Jewett argues that there were other orgiastic religions, so it need not necessarily have been Dionysian. The Hellenistic age saw the spread of mystery cults as described above, and also itinerant teachers such as the Sophists, Cynics and Stoics.
The cultic figure of the murdered Cabirus was venerated in Thessalonica.225 Jewett has drawn attention to the striking parallels between Paul’s apocalyptic preaching of Christ’s , and the much anticipated return of the martyred hero Cabirus.226 In the psychological help offered by the mystery cults, there was no promise of a return of their deity to alleviate their current suffering. But the followers of Cabirus lost their benefactor to the civic cult and to the city’s upper classes. This act deprived the manual workers of their benefactor, who now became a political public figure and part of Rome’s messianic cult.
Therefore, talk of a that had any similarities to Cabirus would be politically provocative.228 From this point of view, Luke’s account in Acts 17:5-7 revealed political accusations against the Pauline community.
These people who have been turning the world upside down, have come here also, and Jason has entertained them as guests.They are all acting contrary to the decrees of the emperor saying,
There is another king named Jesus.229
Crossan and Reed take Luke’s account, in Acts 17:5-7, seriously, because in this account, as is his custom, Luke does not downplay Rome’s antagonism towards Christians. Judge supports the Lukan account, because it has a historical foundation.
Violating the decrees of Caesar, according to Judge, has a historical context.230 ‘The decrees of Caesar referring to ‘the oath of personal loyalty to Caesar and his rule in 38 BCE’, compels Romans and non-Romans alike to report cases of disloyalty, and to physically hunt down the offenders’.231 This oath was taken by local magistrates in Paphlagonia and Cyprus and may have been part of the civic religion in Thessalonica.232 If this situation has any relevant parallel to the political situation in Thessalonica at the time of Paul, it may explain his references to suffering in 1 Thess 2:14-16; 1:6; 2:2; 4:13-18 and implies some may have died due to torture.
Evidence of extant inscriptions also shows the influence of the Julian-Claudian dynasty in Thessalonica. Inscriptions testify to the erection of a temple of Julius Caesar, and in the first half of the first century CE to a priest and (director of public games in ancient Greece) of the Imperator Caesar son of god.233 The physical setting of the cult of the emperor was usually in the middle of the city; the emperor was set beside the gods.234 Therefore, the citizens would have been frequently exposed to this visual impression, reinforcing the emperor’s position of being equal to the gods.
During the reign of Claudius, the time of Paul’s visit to the area, Thessalonica’s mints produced coins which reflected their acceptance of dynastic divinity for the emperors Augustus through Claudius.235 On the one side Augustus appears as – ‘the god Augustus’; on the other side is Claudius, implying the continuation of the divine lineage.236 Additional evidence is the presence of the imperial cult statues of Claudius and Augustus in divine dress and pose, now housed in the museum in Thessalonica.237
Studies in imperial divinity in Asia, by Price, reveal the rituals and duration of this practice.238 His research also shows the enthusiasm of the populace towards the cult, because of the benefits it brought.239 Both Crossan and Reed and Price are in accord with the intention of this practice: to hold the Roman Empire together.240 It provided a common denominator for the diverse population of the Empire to have an identity, pride in belonging to something greater than themselves, or their ethnic identity. Therefore any threat to this cult would be a threat to the Empire. However, there is no consensus amongst New Testament scholars as to the influence of this cult in the different layers of society.
It was into this milieu that Paul ventured to form a community in 49 CE, with more than a decade’s experience in preaching the gospel, before arriving in Philippi and Thessalonica.241
Having considered the context of place, it is necessary to look at the context of Paul’s writing; where the cultural influences discussed here, are present in the analysis of the emotions in Chapter Six. There are no references to fear in 1 Thessalonians. A brief summary follows of the cultural influences discussed thus far

Summary for Thessalonica

Paul’s apocalyptic theme which promised the ushering in of a new age, offered hope to the community, who were subject to persecution under imperial Roman rule. Reference to suffering in 1 Thess 2:14 and 4:13 contribute towards this view. Paul’s use of as punishment also affirms that certain sections of the community were unjustly treated.
Archaeological evidence shows the presence of emperor worship in Thessalonica. A breach of loyalty to this religious function was interpreted as treason. The punishment was severe. The need for justice emerged as a value in this community, which Paul recognised and this recognition is reflected in his use of divine to achieve this. Imperial soteriology subsumed the cultural worship of Cabirus by the lower strata of the Thessalonians, providing an example of the pervasive reach of Roman ideology.
In 1 Thess 4:3-8, there is an example of anger as divine punishment to control sexual laxity. The outcome of lack of restraint would lead to slavery to desire; surely a punishment? Although couched in religious terms, Paul is in line with philosophic thought, as the example cited in the footnote exemplifies.242 Anger is used in 1 Thessalonians to portray the re-ordering of society on a cosmic level (apocalyptic view), as well as establishing order in the psyche on an individual level.

Corinth

Out of the ruins of ancient Corinth, over a century later, arose a Roman colony named Colonia Julia Corinthiensis to honour the founder Julius Caesar.243 The newly colonised Corinth was a Roman colony, not a restoration to its former Greek status. It appears that some Macedonians had survived the destruction of 146 BCE and continued to live in the countryside.
Corinth, unlike other Roman colonies, was settled not only by army veterans, but mainly by the urban poor in Rome.244 A large percentage consisted of freed slaves, and people displaced by Rome extending her power to the Italian countryside.245 Thus this newly founded colony was inhabited by freed slaves, descendants of human spoils of war from Syria, Judea, Asia Minor and Greece.246 The official language was Latin,247 as the predominance of Latin on the surviving inscriptions show. However, Paul wrote in Greek, thus this implies that members of his community were possibly Greek speaking, or he may have used a translator. It was into this city that Paul ventured, a city full of uprooted people, uncultured but full of ambition.248 Corinth was the place where ambition could be fulfilled, as its twin harbours promoted trade, attracted people from all parts of the Roman Empire, and provided the right conditions for the enterprising. However, Paul would have met the second generation of the initial settlers, at least.
In 1 Cor 1:26, Paul raises the issue of the Corinthians’ lineage: ‘For consider your calling, brethren, because not many are wise according to the flesh, not many are powerful, not many are of powerful birth’. This statement has been used to determine the actual status of the Pauline community, but, according to Horsley, Roman and Hellenistic philosophers had long reinterpreted these values.249 The qualities wise, powerful, of noble birth, rich, had become spiritualised and particularly in connection with .250 These were the qualities that members of the Corinthian society assigned to their spiritual gifts, which entitled them to an aristocratic status within the Pauline community. When Paul, in 1 Cor 13:5, addresses the issue of speaking in tongues, as one of the causes of the division in the community, the Corinthians are urged not to provoke one another’s anger. Anger is aroused when a person’s status is not acknowledged; therefore, the inference is that those members who considered themselves to be worthy of respect, but did not receive it from other members of the community, would have aroused anger and, out of anger, arises the desire for retribution This is but one example of the divisiveness in the community, the other was a partisanship based on the status the community assigned to various apostles.
The other social problem Paul had to address was patronage. In a society where access to wealth was limited to a few, the distribution of that wealth created a hierarchy of power, and thus status was determined by that relationship. It is an unequal relationship in which the benefactor was entitled to receive services he required in exchange for his generosity. Paul was attacked for his refusal to accept the right of support as an apostle and needed to defend himself in 1 Cor 9. If he came under Corinthian patronage then he would have been in a chain with the emperor at the head. In 1 Cor 2:3 Paul says that he was afraid and this fear was interpreted as fear of a patron’s power on his Corinthian community. Below is an archaeological example of how the system of the empowered and disempowered coexisted.
Excellent archaeological examples were discovered at Herculaneum and Pompeii.
Wallace–Hadrill gives detailed analyses of these cities, with the following conclusion.
The urban elite, best defined by their tenure of public office, drew revenue from trade and agriculture without discrimination and distanced themselves from commercial activity by the pattern of their lives (i.e. by not engaging in ‘sordid occupations’ in person) without feeling any need to distance themselves physically … Massive social contrasts are apparent, in the gulf between the most magnificent mansion and the humblest tabernae [shops, workshops, taverns]. Yet the gulf is constantly bridged, by contiguity and mutual dependence.251
Although Wallace-Hadrill describes a social arrangement in Pompeii, Biblical scholars are of the opinion that the same arrangement existed in Corinth, and may explain Paul’s contact with powerful patrons. These patrons hosted itinerant teachers, the assumption is that the wealthy hosted these teachers, because this would entail feeding them, providing accommodation and helping them on their way.252 All this required funds which the wealthy could provide. An important teacher would give honour to the patron. The partisanship, which Paul addresses in 1 Corinthians, arose out of the practice of hospitality offered by the wealthy. The report Paul received about the division this practice caused the community came from Chloe’s people who represent the lower strata, the higher strata hardly mention this difficulty in their letter.253 The two reports draw attention to the different value systems which existed within the community. The archaeological evidence illustrates this point well. It was the powerful who presented most of the difficulties Paul experienced in the Corinthian community, as his frequent use of fear in this letter indicate. According to Aristotle’s definition, fear is related to a superior strength, for this reason his fear does not relate to the lower strata in his community.
In 2 Corinthians, this fear is actualised as the community unite against Paul, and large sections of the letter portray his defence in his attempt to retain his apostolic footing in the community.
Both fear and anger are analysed in Chapters Six and Seven. This chapter forms part of the proof that emotions are socially conditioned.

Summary for Corinth

Corinth was re-founded by the Romans in 44 BCE with a diverse population. This diversity included freed slaves, the urban poor, army veterans, and displaced people from the Italian countryside. The composition of the community influenced their values. The Corinthian society was the most competitive in the Roman Empire. They ranked status highly and this influenced the values. They valued anything which increased their status. The presence of strong patrons in Corinth also influenced Paul’s communities and especially Paul. The letter indicates that a number of powerful patrons were openly hostile towards Paul. The emotive words, used by Paul in this letter, show the degree of competitiveness in the Corinthian community. His use of the emotion of fear especially accentuates the hostile environment he had to endure, due to the opposition of powerful patrons.

Philippi

In 42 BCE, two major battles were fought on this plain that would transform the known world for half a millennium. The first battle was between the assassins of Julius Caesar, who were Cassius and Brutus, against the supporters of Julius Caesar, Octavian and Mark Antony.254 In the second battle, compatriots Octavian and Mark Antony turned enemies.255 The Philippians, who supported the winning side on both occasions, were rewarded. Philippi became a Roman military colony.256 This act bestowed Roman citizenship on the population.257
Octavian populated the town and surrounding agricultural area with discharged veterans from the war.258 This, as we saw in Thessalonica, alleviated over-population in Rome and ensured allegiance.259 The war veterans of the losing side received the same reward, safeguarding the position against later retaliation.260 Its strategic position connected Rome with Asia Minor and other areas in the east.
Romans ruled unchallenged in Philippi until the third century CE. Romans owned all the land and politically controlled the city.262 Therefore wealth and status lay in the hands of the Roman inhabitants.263 This dynamic left most of the Greek population poor and dependent on the Romans.264 In no other city in the Empire was the experience of everyday life so controlled by Roman presence.265
The Augustan character of the colony and the control exercised by the Roman elite assured the presence of the imperial cult.266 Emperor veneration had been present in the colony for centuries.267 This was evident during the rule of Philip II in the fourth century BCE and encouraged later by his son Alexander the Great.268 Culturally the switch to veneration of Augustus seemed to be a natural progression.
Archaeological evidence confirms two temples in the forum at Philippi, closely connected with worship of the imperial family. Garnsey and Saller describe the cult as follows: ‘a conveyor of imperial ideology, a focus of loyalty for the many, and a mechanism for the social advancement of a few’.269 Various social classes were able to participate in the imperial cult, which in turn reinforced the differences between the classes.270 There was also archaeological evidence of Isis worship in Philippi.271
Paul wrote this letter from prison, but there is no consensus about its locality. Fee and Peterman have argued for Rome 62 CE, Crossan and Reed agree on Ephesus.272 Neither is there consensus on the unity of the letter. Crossan and Reed, Fee and Peterman interpret the letter as unitary.273 Perrin and Duling interpret the letter as consisting of fragments.274
The genre of the letter functions primarily as a letter of friendship, especially in the convention of gift giving.275 However, Witherington argues for the orality of the letter and, therefore, looks to the rhetorical conventions to its interpretation.276 Paul received not only monetary help, but the physical presence of Epaphroditus who was a great help and comfort to him.277 The description of the class structure indicates that the balance of wealth lay in the hands of the Roman citizens, yet the Philippians were a source of support to Paul.278 This does speak of a level of generosity and loyalty towards Paul.279
Heen examines Phil 2:6-11 against the background of ruler cult which has a long history in the Greek ruler cult and in the first century CE adapted to the Roman emperor.280 He interprets the inclusion of the panegyric as a criticism of the emperor.
6 who being in the form of God did not regard being equal to God
as something to grasp after,
7 but he emptied himself, taking the form of a slave, when he became
the likeness of man; and, being found in the likeness (as) a man,
8 he humbled himself becoming obedient to the point of death,
even death on the cross.
9 Therefore God exalted him to the highest position
and gave him the name that is above every name,
10 in order that every knee shall bow at the name of Jesus;
in the heavenly world, on the earth and also under the earth,
11 and every tongue shall confess that Jesus Christ is Lord,
to the glory of God the Father.
Lord and Saviour are titles used for the emperor, but Paul is using these titles for Christ. This statement is directly in opposition to the imperial cult. The words for fear and extreme fear and provocation indicate official opposition to the community in Philippi. Lack of fear used once to convey confidence. The interesting point is Paul uses the word lack of fear to mean confidence and not simply . It appears from this description that fear may have been a more customary emotion to the Philippians because of their official opposition.
Paul also addresses the emergence of discord in the community; the situation has not led to division or strife, and it is not clear what has led to this situation.281 However, the text does not give the words with which to further the enquiry. For this research lexical terms form one of the conditions of the investigation, as stated in Chapter One.

TABLE OF CONTENTS
CHAPTER
PAGE
One Research Problem and Methodology
1.1 Introduction
1.2 Identifying the Research Problem
1.3 Overview of the Steps in the Methodology
1.4 Methodology
1.5 Outline of the Chapters
Two Context and History of Research
2.1 Introduction
2.2 Classical Scholars
2.3 New Testament Scholars
2.4 Conclusion
Three Philosophies on the Emotions
3.1 Introduction
3.2 General Overview
3.3 Plato
3.4 Aristotle
3.5 The Stoics
3.6 Philo of Alexandria
3.7 Mythical Tradition of Anger
3.8 Conclusion
Four The Social Context of the Undisputed Letters of Paul
4.1 Introduction
4.2 Thessalonica
4.3 Corinth
4.4 Philippi
4.5 Galatia
4.6 Romans
4.7 Conclusion
Five Lexicography
5.1 Introduction
5.2 The Louw-Nida Lexicon
5.3 BDAG (Bauer, Danker, Arndt and Gingrich)
5.4 Conclusion
Six and Related Words in the Undisputed Pauline Letters
6.1 Introduction with Chart Correlated References
6.2 1 Thessalonians
6.3 1 and 2 Corinthians
6.4 Galatians
6.5 Romans
6.6 Conclusion
Seven and Related Words in the Undisputed Pauline Letters
7.1 Introduction with Chart Correlated References
7.2 1 and 2 Corinthians
7.3 Philippians
7.4 Galatians
7.5 Romans
7.6 Conclusion
Eight Conclusion
8.1 The Identification of the Research Subject
8.2 Methodology
References
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