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Chapter Three The symbolic nature of Indigo textile dyeing in the Myths of Osun-Osogbo and Iya Mapo
Introduction
The proceeding discussion seeks to explore the oral history of Osogbo, which makes the town of Osogbo, which is very constitutive to the invention of indigo textile dyeing. In this chapter, I argue that the conflicting myths of the goddesses of Osun-Osogbo and Iya Mapo over the creation of indigo textile dyeing, although very contentious in Osogbo because two different myths linked the two goddesses to the creation of indigo textile dyeing in Osogbo – a political development evidenced in the separation of Osun state from Oyo state. These events seemed contentious, but they are essential to the development of indigo textile dyeing. The significance of this exploration is to understand the nature of the symbols in relation to indigo textile dyeing in Osogbo through the narrations of the myths. In the course of chapter, I examine the concept of ritual and myth (focusing on myth) and how it has evolved in the discipline of Anthropology. I examine the mythic story of Osun-Osogbo goddess and the elements in the myth in the light of Structuralism from the viewpoints of Levi-Strauss and Ortner. These elements are further discussed under the myth-historical perspectives Leach and Bloch. Finally, the chapter takes a holistic examination of the characteristics of the goddesses of Osun-Osogbo and Iya Mapo – to reveal the nature of the symbols in the performances of indigo textile dyeing.
In this chapter, I use similarities in the arguments of Shokpeka (2005), Olajubu (2005) and Leach (1970), who suggest that myth is applied history and a cultural product that communicates certain aspects of a culture in a symbolic and metaphoric way. In essence, these scholars treat myth as a cultural past with symbolic meanings for present day rituals. So, in re-envisioning the mythic story of the goddesses Osun and Iya Mapo as it relates to the indigo dyeing craft in this chapter, I treat myth as a symbolic communication; a metaphorical communicative instrument that enables humans to understand the world in which they live (Leach 1970:15) which also allows us to learn and explore the lives of people, values and culture beyond historical or philosophical accounts – “a model for human activity, which elucidates the connections between the supernatural and natural” (Olajubu 2006:5-6).
Myth in Anthropology
Prior to the 20th century, myth was conceived as an abusive term for « an erroneous belief clung to against all evidence » (Cohen 1969:337). But with the passage of time, myths were to be perceived as void of « errors in which science abounds, as no statements of observations could test them scientifically – (but) they are truth for those who accept them, and it is preserved for eternity. » But, in the 20th century, the emergence of technological discoveries and the search for human meanings brought to light the emergence of mythic study, and its vigorous exploration in scholarship (Boskovic 2002:109).
During the 20th century, several scholars, mostly ‘arm-chair anthropologists’, examined the concept of myth. For example, Cohen (1969:339) expressed the view that Frazer and Tylor treated myth as an explanation. Frazer (1918:362-387) in Cohen (1969:339) perceived myth as an explanation of a particular phenomenon while Tylor (1958:368-416) in Cohen (1969:339) perceived myth as a peculiar explanation that makes use of language and metaphor in order for man to personalize the forces of nature that seek to control man.
On the other hand, Cassirer perceived myth as « one of the stages in the process of humanization » and without it, no higher stage of development is simply thinkable (Cassirer 1957 in Boskovic 2002:110). Eliade (1960) views myth as a very foundation of social life and culture. He is opposed to scholars that take myth as mere stories, as he contends that myths are « more than just a story » (23); they are “sacred stories (which are) related to the events that occurred in the mythical times following the creation of the world, and are the only avenue to bridge our time and the creation of the world” (24). He also stated that rituals were believed to have been established by mythical gods and goddesses (Eliade 1963:7). This makes myth “the expression of a mode of being in the world” because it explains the deep meanings of life based on history and culture of the society (24). As for Freud and Jung, myths are functional in revealing the unconscious thoughts of human beings (Cohen 1969:340).
Anthropologists (and earlier ethnographers) reacted to these meanings of myth; some of them subordinated myth under ritual. Non-anthropologists, however, criticized anthropologists, and posited that the study of myth would go into extinction if subordinated under ritual (Boskovic 2002). However, apprehensive of the crippling and invading effects of technological advances and colonial expansion among the indigenes, these ethnographers dug deeply into the study of myth because they wanted to preserve the customs and values of the native people. They believed the only way to preserve the indigenes’ legacies (histories) were through their narratives, made possible by ethnographic fieldwork.
Malinowski, from research in the Trobriand Islands of Papua New Guinea, described myth as a “pragmatic charter”, “a set of rules or codes of conduct, that enable social functions of a culture to flourish” (Malinowski 1926:28). Malinowski derived his view of myth from Durkheim’s but differed from Durkheim when he stated that myth is “a reality lived” (18), “not symbolic, but a direct expression of its subject-matter; it is not an explanation in satisfaction of a scientific interest, but a narrative resurrection of a primeval reality” (19). For Malinowski, myth offers justification for beliefs and he never intimately linked myths to rituals.
Cohen (1969:344) observed that most anthropologists after Malinowski subscribed to Durkheim’s view of myth as « a part of the religious system, and expresses in words what ritual expresses in actions: both have a social function of maintaining and expressing solidarity. The content of the myth, like that of ritual, is symbolically significant ». Kluckhohn elaborated the connection of myth and rituals in his article, « Myths and Rituals: A General Theory » (1939). He agreed with Eliade’s view of myth as a « sacred tale » but linked it with rituals. He stated that “myths and rituals equally facilitate the adjustment of the individual to his society” (74) and both are “cultural products, which are part of the social heredity of a society” (79). Although, Kluckhohn pointed out the cultural product character of myth and ritual, I found the explanations of Edmund Leach’s cultural product character of myth and ritual as convincing – a reflection of Levi Strauss’ explanation of myth.
Levi-Strauss perceived myth as a « paradox – fantastic and unpredictable » – having seemingly arbitrary content but similar thought patterns in different myths in different cultures. He assumed a cognitive study of myth by proposing that universal laws must govern mythical thought, which always progresses from the awareness of oppositions toward their resolution to resolve the seeming paradox (Lévi-Strauss 1955:428-429; Lévi-Strauss 1969:10). Levi-Strauss compared myth to language – a human speech with langue and parole (an adaptation of Saussure’s work in 1918 titled “The Nature of the Linguistic Sign”). He described langue as the structural elements of language while the parole is the statistical aspect of it; langue being the principle of language that makes meaningful parole (speech act) possible (Lévi-Strauss 1955:430). Levi-Strauss believed that the human thought processes like language are the same universally due to human biological make-up. He proved this idea by the concept of binary oppositions, which he believed underlies every mythic story in the universe. He later linked the concept of binary opposition to the analogy of culture and nature. Levis-Strauss perceived nature as composed of emotion, instinct and intuition while culture is perceived to be intellectually driven with rules and laws that makes social order possible in the society. He stated that the “awareness of this binary opposition (in myth will lead) toward their progressive mediation” (440).
Levi-Strauss explicated the concepts of binary oppositions in his work “The Structural study of Myth”(1955). One of the mythic examples was the myth of trickster in several American mythologies. He stated that although the trickster is “a problematic figure” – it is “assigned practically everywhere to either coyote or raven” throughout North America. From this myth, Levi-Strauss assumed two opposite terms – life and death as it relate to agriculture (connected with the production of life) and hunting (connected with the production of death). This binary structural relation was also observed in the relationship between herbivores (plants) and beasts of prey (catching of meat). He stated that both raven and coyote are carrion-eating animals but they are also classified as food-plant producers; therefore, they are halfway between herbivores and beasts of prey: like beasts of prey, they eat animal food (meat) and at the same time like herbivores, they do not kill what they eat. Levi-Strauss argues that « we have a mediating structure, where each term gives birth to the next by a double process of opposition and correlation” (1955:440).
Title Page
Statement by Candidate
Dedication
Abstract
Acknowledgements
Table of Contents
List of Tables
List of Figures
List of Maps
Chapter One
1.1 Introduction
1.2 Indigo Textile Dyeing Production Processes in Symbolic Perspectives: Theoretical Orientation and a contextualizing review
1.3 Area of Study
1.4 Research Methodology
1.5 Organization of the study
1.6 Ethical considerations
Chapter Two Historical Background of the Yoruba Women Dyers’ contributions to artistic enterprises within the Political Economy of Nigeria
2.1 Introduction
2.2 Adire women during the Pre-Transatlantic and Transatlantic Slave Trade (Pre-15th Century)
2.3 Colonial Political Economy in Nigeria and Yoruba Women Dyers Artistic Contributions (1851-1960)
2.4 Independent and Post-Independent Political Economy in Nigeria and Yoruba Women Dyers Artistic Contributions (1960-Present)
2.5 Conclusion
Chapter Three The symbolic nature of Indigo textile dyeing in the Myths of Osun-Osogbo and Iya-Mapo
3.1 Introduction
3.2 Myth in Anthropology
3.3 The Myth of Osun-Osogbo
3.4 The Nature of the Symbols in Osun-Osogbo’s and Iya Mapo’s Personality as it relates to Indigo Textile Dyeing
3.5 The Nature of Symbol in the Indigo Textile Dyeing Production Processes in Osogbo
3.6 Conclusion
Chapter Four ‘Child is a Cloth’: Symbolism and the Social Contexts of Indigo Textile Dyeing Production Processes among Women Dyers in Osogbo
4.1 Introduction
4.2 Rituals in Anthropology
4.3 Aso: The Cloth-Child Symbolism in Adire Textile Dyeing
4.4 The Symbolism of Kadara (Destiny) in the Ona (Patterning) of the Adire Dyed Textile
4.5 Conclusion
Chapter Five Ewa and Iwa: The symbolism of Beauty and Character in the Dyeing Process of Indigo Textile Dyeing
5.1 Introduction
5.2 The Symbolism of Iwa (Character) of Elu Leaves of Indigo Dye Water
5.3 The Symbolism of Ewa (Character) Omoluabi in the Dyeing of the Patterned Cloth
5.4 Conclusion
Chapter Six Sex, Water and Symbols: Reflections on Alkaline Water Production in Indigo Dyeing
6.1 Introduction
6.2 Gender and Performativity of Gender
6.3 Performativity of Gender in Omi Eru (Alkaline Water) Production in Osogbo.
6.4 Conclusion
Chapter Seven Colour, Texts and Images on Indigo Dyed Textiles among the Yoruba Women Dyers in Osogbo
7.1 Introduction
7.2 Colour Symbolism, Texts and Images on Textile
7.3 Indigo Colour and its symbolism among the Yoruba women dyers
7.4 Texts and Images on Indigo Dyed Textiles among the Yoruba Women Dyers in Osogbo
7.5 Conclusion
Chapter Eight Conclusion
8.1 An Ethnographic Account of the Politics among Producers during 2015 Osun-Osogbo Annual Festival
8.2 Re-examining Adire-Dyed Textiles in the Global World: A case of Decolonization of Knowledge
Appendix
Bibliography
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